: exploring the interconnections of epistemology, methodology, and method. Hesse-Biber, Sharlene Nagy (2007). Handbook of feminist research: Theory and praxis (pp. 1-17). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hesse-Biber examines feminist research historically and across disciplines and addresses critical points of feminist research in the frameworks of critical theory grounded in the experience of the oppressed, postmodern theories, which commonly draw on difference.
Drawing on Sandra Harding (1993) and Lorrain Code (1991), Hesse-Biber defined reflexivity as a defining feature of feminist research:
"Through disclosing their values, attitudes, and biases in their approach to particular research questions and in engaging in strong reflexivity throughout the research process, feminist researchers can actually improve objectivity of the research." (p. 10)
More clearly, Hesse-Biber defined reflexivity as a "process, whereby researchers recognize, examine, and understand how their social background, location, and assumptions affect their research practice. Practicing reflexivity also includes paying attention to the specific ways in which our own agendas affect the research at all points in the process--from the selection of the research problem to the selection of method and ways in which we analyze and interpret our findings." (pp. 16-17).
REFLEXIVITY is defined as a process that researchers should take on. How is it related to participatory video? Participant researchers should be conscious of the methods they take, their subjective involvement at all? In PV, it aims to bring about participants' subjective involvement. It makes this explicit, while the predominant discourse of reflexivity calls for recognizing and consciously examining it within researchers. Reflexivity means different things in two different contexts. How should it be addressed and be more explicit? How researchers should think of this issue when they take on participatory research?
Thursday, November 3, 2011
Wednesday, October 19, 2011
Recording social life: Reflexivity and video methodology
Lomax, H., Casey, N. (1998). Sociological Research Online, 3(2), xiii-xiv.
The authors rejects two streams of using video data: one as a replica of unrecorded event and the other as a distorting effect on the researched phenomenon. They argue that a reflexive analysis of video data is essential because the activity of data collection itself is interactive (i am not sure what this means). In this light, they argue, video generated data should be analyzed by providing a faithful record of the process in which interaction occurs.
Thursday, September 22, 2011
Volunteer sampling
Based on Rosenthal and Rosnow (1975):
Cates, W. (1985). A practical guide to educational research. Prentice-Hall, inc. (55-64)
Something to consider when doing volunteer sampling:
1. better educated than nonvolunteers
2. higher social class
3. more intelligent
4. more unconventional
5. females than male
6. less authoritarian
7. more interested in the topic under investigation than nonvolunteers
Cates, W. (1985). A practical guide to educational research. Prentice-Hall, inc. (55-64)
Something to consider when doing volunteer sampling:
1. better educated than nonvolunteers
2. higher social class
3. more intelligent
4. more unconventional
5. females than male
6. less authoritarian
7. more interested in the topic under investigation than nonvolunteers
Wednesday, September 7, 2011
Successful protect-community discourse
:spatiality and politics in Chicago's Pilsen neighborhood.
David Wilson, Jared Wouters, & Dennis Grammenos. (2004). Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190. DOI:10.1068/a36121
The authors note Pilsen as one nationally notable case where gentrification continues to be successfully resisted by residents. They pointed out positive resident identities, and clear enemies of the current neighborhood as the main reasons.
Also, they pointed out the discourse that PPC (Protect Pilsen Coalition) promoted as one of the causes: promoting the current idealized Pilsen, a unique sense of community, and arguing for protecting the timeless and ideal ethnic space from outsiders, to the contrary to the comment by developers, describing Pilsen as a crime-riddern slum.
[DOES THIS DISCOURSE by PPC hide crime? Or crime was overrated?]
Meanwhile, local governments see Pilsen as a potential for making the city a diverse ethnic city.
"preserving this ethnicity is the key. It is our job to identify [this], capture [this], and sell [this]''
(discussion with the Office of Tourism representative Patricia Sullivan, 8 July 2002, cited on page 1186).
David Wilson, Jared Wouters, & Dennis Grammenos. (2004). Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190. DOI:10.1068/a36121
The authors note Pilsen as one nationally notable case where gentrification continues to be successfully resisted by residents. They pointed out positive resident identities, and clear enemies of the current neighborhood as the main reasons.
Also, they pointed out the discourse that PPC (Protect Pilsen Coalition) promoted as one of the causes: promoting the current idealized Pilsen, a unique sense of community, and arguing for protecting the timeless and ideal ethnic space from outsiders, to the contrary to the comment by developers, describing Pilsen as a crime-riddern slum.
[DOES THIS DISCOURSE by PPC hide crime? Or crime was overrated?]
Meanwhile, local governments see Pilsen as a potential for making the city a diverse ethnic city.
"preserving this ethnicity is the key. It is our job to identify [this], capture [this], and sell [this]''
(discussion with the Office of Tourism representative Patricia Sullivan, 8 July 2002, cited on page 1186).
THE PILSEN BUILDING INVENTORY PROJECT
Winifred Curran and Euan Hague
DePaul University, Department of Geography
Introduction to the project
An extensive and systematic community mapping project was undertaken to produce a database of current building conditions and publicly available information on building permits, property taxes, assessed values, property sales, and ownership. This report provides the results of that project, with data collected by DePaul students over two years, from Fall 2004 to Spring 2006. 5002 lots are in the database.
Gentrification
The authors noted that " Its proximity to the Loop, old buildings and historic designation, and
relatively low rents have resulted in Pilsen becoming ripe for gentrification at the start of the 21st century." (p. 4)
Urban planner Peter Marcuse (1999: 790-1) defines gentrification as, “the movement into a previously working-class area by upperincome households, generally professionals, managers, technicians, the new gentry, resulting in the displacement of the former lower-income residents.” (p. 4)
On the eastern side of Pilsen, around one hundred buildings are owned by the Podmajersky family who have been attempting to transform the area into an artists district since the 1950s (Isaacs, 2003). These plans have met with repeated opposition from local residents whose articulation of an anti-gentrification position Wilson et al. (2004: 1173) identify as a “protect-community discourse.” (p. 5)
*
Marcuse, Peter. 1999. Comment of Elvin K. Wyly and Daniel J. Hammel’s “Islands of decay in seas of renewal: Housing policy and the resurgence of gentrification” Housing Policy Debate 10 (4): 789-797.
Isaacs, Deanna. 2003. East Pilsen’s makeover. Chicago Reader, 12 December.
Wilson, David; Wouters, Jared and Grammenos, Dennis. 2004. Successful ‘protect-community’ discourse: spatiality and politics in Chicago’s Pilsen neighborhood. Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190.
DePaul University, Department of Geography
Introduction to the project
An extensive and systematic community mapping project was undertaken to produce a database of current building conditions and publicly available information on building permits, property taxes, assessed values, property sales, and ownership. This report provides the results of that project, with data collected by DePaul students over two years, from Fall 2004 to Spring 2006. 5002 lots are in the database.
Gentrification
The authors noted that " Its proximity to the Loop, old buildings and historic designation, and
relatively low rents have resulted in Pilsen becoming ripe for gentrification at the start of the 21st century." (p. 4)
Urban planner Peter Marcuse (1999: 790-1) defines gentrification as, “the movement into a previously working-class area by upperincome households, generally professionals, managers, technicians, the new gentry, resulting in the displacement of the former lower-income residents.” (p. 4)
On the eastern side of Pilsen, around one hundred buildings are owned by the Podmajersky family who have been attempting to transform the area into an artists district since the 1950s (Isaacs, 2003). These plans have met with repeated opposition from local residents whose articulation of an anti-gentrification position Wilson et al. (2004: 1173) identify as a “protect-community discourse.” (p. 5)
*
Marcuse, Peter. 1999. Comment of Elvin K. Wyly and Daniel J. Hammel’s “Islands of decay in seas of renewal: Housing policy and the resurgence of gentrification” Housing Policy Debate 10 (4): 789-797.
Isaacs, Deanna. 2003. East Pilsen’s makeover. Chicago Reader, 12 December.
Wilson, David; Wouters, Jared and Grammenos, Dennis. 2004. Successful ‘protect-community’ discourse: spatiality and politics in Chicago’s Pilsen neighborhood. Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190.
THE DIFFERENTIAL IMPACT OF GENTRIFICATION ON COMMUNITIES IN CHICAGO
Philip Nyden, Emily Edlynn, and Julie Davis. (2006). Center for Urban Research and Learning.
Loyola University Chicago, For the City of Chicago Commission on Human Relations
Today’s Pilsen is synonymous with Mexican and Mexican-American culture,
Describing the resistance of Pilsen residents against gentrification attempts
"while Latino community leaders in some heavily-immigrant communities may not be feeling “left behind,” they fear that they will be “pushed out” as gentrification and displacement threatens their own residential stability . Some leaders in Pilsen are fighting the development being subsidized by TIF funds because it is “not necessarily geared toward” the Mexican and Mexican American residents currently living in Pilsen and Little Village. Residents there have protested development plans, which include condos and other luxury housing in the community that have the potential to increase housing costs and property taxes. Expansion of the University of Illinois Chicago campus into the northern edge of this Latino community has met with similar protests." (p. 29)
This paper points out some of the most vulnerable populations: women with children, the disabled, the homeless, the elderly,
"Many of our respondents identified women as a population that is most negatively affected by the cycle of gentrification and displacement, particularly single women with children... Because women and single-parents do not necessarily visibly cluster into particular neighborhoods, their needs are not always front and center." (p. 35)
They pointed out that the homeless population has been even more dramatically affected. Further, social service agencies themselves become the target of complaint from new comers:
"Churches and social service agencies that had been providing housing and social services to the homeless for years find themselves the targets of newcomers to the community who equate low-income with “criminal” and “undesirable.” One focus group participant claimed these “gentrifiers” are targeting social services to force the displacement of the poor and that she has
received petitions they have signed with pleas to the City to “stop funding social services in Uptown, there’s too many poor people here.”" (p. 36)
This paper again recommends that the city or developers should better communicate with residents, adopt adult community service curriculum to facilitate more inter-racial, interethnic,
and inter-group understanding and interaction; creating new or imporiving existing mechanisms for community voice.
Loyola University Chicago, For the City of Chicago Commission on Human Relations
Today’s Pilsen is synonymous with Mexican and Mexican-American culture,
Describing the resistance of Pilsen residents against gentrification attempts
"while Latino community leaders in some heavily-immigrant communities may not be feeling “left behind,” they fear that they will be “pushed out” as gentrification and displacement threatens their own residential stability . Some leaders in Pilsen are fighting the development being subsidized by TIF funds because it is “not necessarily geared toward” the Mexican and Mexican American residents currently living in Pilsen and Little Village. Residents there have protested development plans, which include condos and other luxury housing in the community that have the potential to increase housing costs and property taxes. Expansion of the University of Illinois Chicago campus into the northern edge of this Latino community has met with similar protests." (p. 29)
This paper points out some of the most vulnerable populations: women with children, the disabled, the homeless, the elderly,
"Many of our respondents identified women as a population that is most negatively affected by the cycle of gentrification and displacement, particularly single women with children... Because women and single-parents do not necessarily visibly cluster into particular neighborhoods, their needs are not always front and center." (p. 35)
They pointed out that the homeless population has been even more dramatically affected. Further, social service agencies themselves become the target of complaint from new comers:
"Churches and social service agencies that had been providing housing and social services to the homeless for years find themselves the targets of newcomers to the community who equate low-income with “criminal” and “undesirable.” One focus group participant claimed these “gentrifiers” are targeting social services to force the displacement of the poor and that she has
received petitions they have signed with pleas to the City to “stop funding social services in Uptown, there’s too many poor people here.”" (p. 36)
This paper again recommends that the city or developers should better communicate with residents, adopt adult community service curriculum to facilitate more inter-racial, interethnic,
and inter-group understanding and interaction; creating new or imporiving existing mechanisms for community voice.
IN THE FACE OF GENTRIFICATION:
Case Studies of Local Efforts to Mitigate Displacement.
Diane K. Levy, Jennifer Comey, Sandra Padilla (2006). [White paper]. Washington, DC:
Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center, the Urban Institute.
This paper defined getrification as “the process whereby higher-income households move into low-income neighborhoods, escalating the area’s property values to the point that displacement occurs." (p. 1). It points out revitalization as the first stage of one of the earliest sign of gentrification, writing:
Neighborhoods showing signs of revitalization with the possibility of future gentrification—evidence of housing improvements and increased housing prices in an area proximate to other gentrifying neighborhoods—are characterized as the early stage. (p. 2)
The gentrification of Uptown
A highlighted program is "Chicago Partnership for Affordable Neighborhoods (CPAN), which was implemented citywide in 2001. CPAN is a voluntary program where developers and aldermen from each ward determine the number of affordable units, if any, developers will set aside in their market-rate developments. ...
While CPAN is a citywide program, it is at the discretion of each alderman whether developers must participate.
...
Another problem inherent in a voluntary program is whether developers will choose to participate or take their business elsewhere. Aldermen have leverage only if the developer needs zoning approval. (p. 71)
With this respect, the authors noted that "some developers believe that only elected official’s support is necessary to approve housing development" (p. 72), emphasizing that residents can organize around issues. (But how? Did the gentrification occur because of lack of residents resistance or grassroots organization?)
Diane K. Levy, Jennifer Comey, Sandra Padilla (2006). [White paper]. Washington, DC:
Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center, the Urban Institute.
This paper defined getrification as “the process whereby higher-income households move into low-income neighborhoods, escalating the area’s property values to the point that displacement occurs." (p. 1). It points out revitalization as the first stage of one of the earliest sign of gentrification, writing:
Neighborhoods showing signs of revitalization with the possibility of future gentrification—evidence of housing improvements and increased housing prices in an area proximate to other gentrifying neighborhoods—are characterized as the early stage. (p. 2)
The gentrification of Uptown
A highlighted program is "Chicago Partnership for Affordable Neighborhoods (CPAN), which was implemented citywide in 2001. CPAN is a voluntary program where developers and aldermen from each ward determine the number of affordable units, if any, developers will set aside in their market-rate developments. ...
While CPAN is a citywide program, it is at the discretion of each alderman whether developers must participate.
...
Another problem inherent in a voluntary program is whether developers will choose to participate or take their business elsewhere. Aldermen have leverage only if the developer needs zoning approval. (p. 71)
With this respect, the authors noted that "some developers believe that only elected official’s support is necessary to approve housing development" (p. 72), emphasizing that residents can organize around issues. (But how? Did the gentrification occur because of lack of residents resistance or grassroots organization?)
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