Collier, Malcolm. (2007). The applied visual anthropology of John Collier: A photo essay. In Sarah Pink (Ed.), Visual intervention: Applied visual anthropology. New York, NY: Berghahn Books.
In this chapter, the author introduces some works of John Collier Jr, to whom we are indebted for the use of photography in anthropology and sociology research, in particular, photo-elicitation, a method he developed. Looking at the Vicos Project (in the mid-1950s), in which close to nine-thousand still images and hours of 16 mm films were taken in Vicos, Peru, the author wrote:
The visual ethnography was intended to provide both information for immediate use and also a baseline record for later comparative evaluation of the impact of the project. (p. 35)
The author noted that in the late 60s, John Collier turned his attention to cross-cultural schooling and at the same time, started using super 8 film equipment in response to the limitations of still photography. With this respect, the author wrote, "The shift to film placed more emphasis on observation and analysis of social interactions and process through time and space" (p. 44)
[This essay indicates that J. Collier, perhaps many others in that period, regarded visual images as a mirroring representation of the reality like a documentation]
In concluding the use of visual images by J. Collier, the author wrote:
"While in earlier years John Collier Jr's photographs were more classically documentary in character, intended to make statements to viewers for applied purposes (what I understand this term as an exploration of the potential of photos to reveal something that painting cannot do), by the 1960s they became explicitly tools for obtaining information and understanding about the circumstances in which they were made. The camera became a more systematically directed tool for data gathering and less of an expressive device. The resulting images were often less individually compelling but the collective informational content became a far more extensive and complete source of information on the circumstances in front of the lens" (p. 49)
[This indicate that the use of photos was predominantly objectivistic and positivistic. The photos were to provide vivid reality themselves. They were a tool for data gathering.]
Showing posts with label photo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label photo. Show all posts
Saturday, February 12, 2011
Visusal Methods in Social Research
Banks, Marcus. (2001). London, UK: Sage.
Banks introduces ways to incorporate visual images into social science research. According to him, anthropology has been a pioneer of using visual images as a form of visual anthropology. But he noted a growing body of literature on visual research in other disciplines in social science research in 1990s, and yet, methodological insights was confined to specific areas, such as the production of ethnographic films. Thus he presents some alternative methods and some advantages of using visual images. However, this book is heavily focused on photography. Acknowledging this, Banks found an advantage of using still photos for research in its ubiquity in modern society:
Still photography is a medium available to almost everyone in the world as either producer or consumer. and examples form the use of still photography can often serve to points arising from the use of all or most visual media . . . (p. x)
About photo-elicitation:
Banks introduced photo-elicitation. "It involves using photography to invoke comments, memory and discussion in the course of a semi-structure interview" (p. 87). Photos become the basis of discussion and provoking vague memories. Collier and Collier (1986, Visual anthropology: Photography as a research method), who pioneered photo elicitation (using archival photos), pointed out that photos can contribute to lessen awkwardness that interviewees might feel: eliminating direct eye contact and awkward silence. Banks pointed out that photo-elicitation is not straightforward in practice because of issues of photographic multivocality and the complexity of relationship between photo objects and human social relations. In this light, he discussed the use of other types of photos. Further, he argued for the potential of collaborative research through photo-elicitation. He wrote:
"Rather, the introduction of photographs to interviews and conversations sets off a kind of chain reaction: the photographs effectively exercise agency, causing people to do and think things they had forgotten, or to see things they had always known in a new way, . . . (p. 98)
For Banks, the term "method" is inseparable from theory and analysis , and yet, no less important than the others, because it makes social research an "an engagement, not an exercise in data collection" (p. 179) by letting research subjects co-operate with researchers, if not participate, in the research process based on their knowledge of their lives. He implies using visual images can be one of such methods.
The last paragraph well summarizes his view of images in research:
"Images exist materially in the world, are involved in particular and specific huamn social relations. Their meanings are historically and socially embedded, told through their internal and external narratives. They have authors and consumers, they are attributed with agency and affect the agency of others. All these features are discernible, documentable, and can be isolated for analysis and comparison. The practitioners of visual social research who bemoan the lack of attention paid to their labours are, in some ways, missing the point. Visual images are ubiquitous in the lives of work of those who study and those who are studied. There is no lack of attention paid to the visual, merely a failure of perspective." (p. 179)
[Despite his beginning tone that research projects can be done without visual images, but with them research becomes different, his final tone is very strong and positive on what researchers can do with visual images.]
Banks introduces ways to incorporate visual images into social science research. According to him, anthropology has been a pioneer of using visual images as a form of visual anthropology. But he noted a growing body of literature on visual research in other disciplines in social science research in 1990s, and yet, methodological insights was confined to specific areas, such as the production of ethnographic films. Thus he presents some alternative methods and some advantages of using visual images. However, this book is heavily focused on photography. Acknowledging this, Banks found an advantage of using still photos for research in its ubiquity in modern society:
Still photography is a medium available to almost everyone in the world as either producer or consumer. and examples form the use of still photography can often serve to points arising from the use of all or most visual media . . . (p. x)
About photo-elicitation:
Banks introduced photo-elicitation. "It involves using photography to invoke comments, memory and discussion in the course of a semi-structure interview" (p. 87). Photos become the basis of discussion and provoking vague memories. Collier and Collier (1986, Visual anthropology: Photography as a research method), who pioneered photo elicitation (using archival photos), pointed out that photos can contribute to lessen awkwardness that interviewees might feel: eliminating direct eye contact and awkward silence. Banks pointed out that photo-elicitation is not straightforward in practice because of issues of photographic multivocality and the complexity of relationship between photo objects and human social relations. In this light, he discussed the use of other types of photos. Further, he argued for the potential of collaborative research through photo-elicitation. He wrote:
"Rather, the introduction of photographs to interviews and conversations sets off a kind of chain reaction: the photographs effectively exercise agency, causing people to do and think things they had forgotten, or to see things they had always known in a new way, . . . (p. 98)
For Banks, the term "method" is inseparable from theory and analysis , and yet, no less important than the others, because it makes social research an "an engagement, not an exercise in data collection" (p. 179) by letting research subjects co-operate with researchers, if not participate, in the research process based on their knowledge of their lives. He implies using visual images can be one of such methods.
The last paragraph well summarizes his view of images in research:
"Images exist materially in the world, are involved in particular and specific huamn social relations. Their meanings are historically and socially embedded, told through their internal and external narratives. They have authors and consumers, they are attributed with agency and affect the agency of others. All these features are discernible, documentable, and can be isolated for analysis and comparison. The practitioners of visual social research who bemoan the lack of attention paid to their labours are, in some ways, missing the point. Visual images are ubiquitous in the lives of work of those who study and those who are studied. There is no lack of attention paid to the visual, merely a failure of perspective." (p. 179)
[Despite his beginning tone that research projects can be done without visual images, but with them research becomes different, his final tone is very strong and positive on what researchers can do with visual images.]
Sunday, April 25, 2010
Visual Research Methods: Where Are We and Where Are We Going?
Holm, Gunilla. (2008). In Sharlene Nagy Hesse-Biber & Patricial Leavy (Eds.), Handbook of Emergent Methods (pp. 325-341). New York and London: Guilford Press.
Holm pays attention to visual ethnography, action research, and photovoice as recent fields of visual methods. As of visual ethnography, Holm attunes, in particular, to Pink’s argument that reflexivity and intersubjective relationship between researcher and informants are critical to creating “negotiated versions of reality” (2005, p. 20). Holm also observes that recent visual ethnographical research takes on participatory action research by distributing photo cameras, for instance, to research participants. Holm remarks that photovoice, based on this technique, has not been widely used in education, anthropology or sociology, due to the nature of documentary and action research. Holm also notes that there were similar projects even before the groundbreaking photovoice project. She argues that problems with these projects, however, is that they were “mostly informative, and the strong advocacy component has been missing” (p. 330).
Holm pays attention to visual ethnography, action research, and photovoice as recent fields of visual methods. As of visual ethnography, Holm attunes, in particular, to Pink’s argument that reflexivity and intersubjective relationship between researcher and informants are critical to creating “negotiated versions of reality” (2005, p. 20). Holm also observes that recent visual ethnographical research takes on participatory action research by distributing photo cameras, for instance, to research participants. Holm remarks that photovoice, based on this technique, has not been widely used in education, anthropology or sociology, due to the nature of documentary and action research. Holm also notes that there were similar projects even before the groundbreaking photovoice project. She argues that problems with these projects, however, is that they were “mostly informative, and the strong advocacy component has been missing” (p. 330).
Monday, April 12, 2010
‘I’m gonna show you what it’s really like out here’: the power and limitation of participatory visual methods
Packard, Josh. (2008). Visual Studies, 23 (1), 63-77.
Packard explores the boundaries of participatory visual methods based on his empirical research with the homeless. He finds the most dedicated effort of power-leveling research methods in handing over cameras to the research participants. In his argument, he contends that the ubiquity of low-cost cameras is important to participatory methods as participants are equally equipped with technology aptitude. For Packard, it is problematic that researchers have to "teach" participants how to operate a piece of equipment, for it tends to coalesce power to the researcher.
[This view is problematic primarily because of his deterministic perspective. The price of visual equipment tends to drop down, however, it does not guarantee that research participants may have equal access to the equipment.]
The research design Packard used was to giving a disposable camera to a homeless with the minimum instruction and the promise of remuneration of $5 upon their return with the camera the next day. He conducted interviews driven from the content of the photos they took. He wrote that there was little skepticism from participants when he explained his goal of this research--helping the homeless, etc.
Interpreting the styles of photos taken by the participants, Packard remarked its tendency of less affected convention and dominant photography rules. However, he rightly contends, "In order for knowledge to be truly powerful, it must be mobilized. Knowledge is power only to the extent to which it can be communicated" (p. 73).
[This sharp observation critiques overemphasis on non-dominant knowledge and practices outside of the mainstream. There may be a potential in a sense, but non-conventional practices and performances are not themselves a form of resistance.]
Packard combined in this research photo-elicitation with participant-driven data generation. However, in my opinion, this participatory visual method does not constitute participatory action research, for the data analysis is done solely by the researcher himself.
Packard explores the boundaries of participatory visual methods based on his empirical research with the homeless. He finds the most dedicated effort of power-leveling research methods in handing over cameras to the research participants. In his argument, he contends that the ubiquity of low-cost cameras is important to participatory methods as participants are equally equipped with technology aptitude. For Packard, it is problematic that researchers have to "teach" participants how to operate a piece of equipment, for it tends to coalesce power to the researcher.
[This view is problematic primarily because of his deterministic perspective. The price of visual equipment tends to drop down, however, it does not guarantee that research participants may have equal access to the equipment.]
The research design Packard used was to giving a disposable camera to a homeless with the minimum instruction and the promise of remuneration of $5 upon their return with the camera the next day. He conducted interviews driven from the content of the photos they took. He wrote that there was little skepticism from participants when he explained his goal of this research--helping the homeless, etc.
Interpreting the styles of photos taken by the participants, Packard remarked its tendency of less affected convention and dominant photography rules. However, he rightly contends, "In order for knowledge to be truly powerful, it must be mobilized. Knowledge is power only to the extent to which it can be communicated" (p. 73).
[This sharp observation critiques overemphasis on non-dominant knowledge and practices outside of the mainstream. There may be a potential in a sense, but non-conventional practices and performances are not themselves a form of resistance.]
Packard combined in this research photo-elicitation with participant-driven data generation. However, in my opinion, this participatory visual method does not constitute participatory action research, for the data analysis is done solely by the researcher himself.
Wednesday, November 11, 2009
Activist Participatory Research Among the Maya of Guatemala
: Constructing Meanings from Situated Knowledge. Lykes, M. B. (1997). Journal of Social Issues. 53(4), 725-746.
Reflecting upon her experience in Guatemala, Lykes discusses strengths and limitations of PAR and in particular explores her "situated otherness within a praxis of solidarity". Realizing that (in)voluntary silencing was a key element that affected post-war life, she attempted to break the silence, and criticizes positivist social science methods that fails to capture the collective nature of individual experience and cultural symbolism that weave such experience. With this context, Lykes proposes activist participatory research, where relationships between researchers and participants constitutes an action. Within this model, Lykes positions herself as situated other and attempts to understand herself through an experience of shared subjectivity.
As a means of embarking on communication, Lykes utilized techniques of popular education, such as art working, dramatization, story-telling, etc. She explains that the use of creative productions as part of research served as texts for further analysis and discussion while creating multiple channels of representation and wider distribution.
As a situated other, Lykes continues to analyze her position in terms of otherness and in particular being female. She summarizes a challenge of PAR as follows:
"[T]he processes engaged toward establishing partnerships and engaging in PAR challenge our basic assumptions of who we and "the other"are. These challenges demand continuing re-visioning not only of the relationships themselves but also of our developing understanding of ourselves and the meanings we are making of the "data" we are gathering." (p.735)
Pointing out word-oriented knowledge distribution, Lykes describes the strengths of using visual images in carrying out research and distributing findings, as seen in Photovoice. She writes that such technique provided a unique tool for documenting women's concerns from their own perspectives. She adds that Photovoice complements other strategies that involves with indigenous resources and facilitates collaborations for further action and wider reaching out to the local communities. She articulates that the strength of photo is also weakness in that multiple-reading may contribute to meaning making but it may challenge participants who have been isolated and silenced for long.
Finally Lykes suggests criteria for evaluating adequate PAR: 1) the method's compatibility with other indigenous resources, 2) the easiness, 3) contribution to action, 4) representing multiple realities, 5) potential for sharing multiple indigenous practices and 6) minimization of risk to the participants.
Reflecting upon her experience in Guatemala, Lykes discusses strengths and limitations of PAR and in particular explores her "situated otherness within a praxis of solidarity". Realizing that (in)voluntary silencing was a key element that affected post-war life, she attempted to break the silence, and criticizes positivist social science methods that fails to capture the collective nature of individual experience and cultural symbolism that weave such experience. With this context, Lykes proposes activist participatory research, where relationships between researchers and participants constitutes an action. Within this model, Lykes positions herself as situated other and attempts to understand herself through an experience of shared subjectivity.
As a means of embarking on communication, Lykes utilized techniques of popular education, such as art working, dramatization, story-telling, etc. She explains that the use of creative productions as part of research served as texts for further analysis and discussion while creating multiple channels of representation and wider distribution.
As a situated other, Lykes continues to analyze her position in terms of otherness and in particular being female. She summarizes a challenge of PAR as follows:
"[T]he processes engaged toward establishing partnerships and engaging in PAR challenge our basic assumptions of who we and "the other"are. These challenges demand continuing re-visioning not only of the relationships themselves but also of our developing understanding of ourselves and the meanings we are making of the "data" we are gathering." (p.735)
Pointing out word-oriented knowledge distribution, Lykes describes the strengths of using visual images in carrying out research and distributing findings, as seen in Photovoice. She writes that such technique provided a unique tool for documenting women's concerns from their own perspectives. She adds that Photovoice complements other strategies that involves with indigenous resources and facilitates collaborations for further action and wider reaching out to the local communities. She articulates that the strength of photo is also weakness in that multiple-reading may contribute to meaning making but it may challenge participants who have been isolated and silenced for long.
Finally Lykes suggests criteria for evaluating adequate PAR: 1) the method's compatibility with other indigenous resources, 2) the easiness, 3) contribution to action, 4) representing multiple realities, 5) potential for sharing multiple indigenous practices and 6) minimization of risk to the participants.
Sunday, August 9, 2009
Photovoice: Concept, Methodology, and Use for Participatory Needs Assessment
Wang, Caroline & Burris, Mary Ann. (1997). Health Education & Behavior, 24(3), 369-387.
Wang and Burris define photovoice as "a process by which people can identify, represent, and enhance their community through a specific photographic technique" (p. 369). They emphasize the advantages of photovoice as a needs assessment tool: (1) it is grounded in participatory appraisal that describes the fundamentals of the community needs; (2) Photovoice employs the visual image, a powerful means to describe such needs; (3) the accessibility of photovoice enables even illiterate people to participate; (4) it facilitates the sampling of different social and behavior setting, which may be beyond the researchers' scope; (5) it can sustain community participation. etc.
However, one of the disadvantages that photovoice method may bring is, the authors point out, that "photographs are easy to gather but difficult to analyze and summarize because they yield an abundance of complex data that can eb difficult to digest" (p. 375). Participatory analysis they propose seem to provide a possible solution to the dilemma. The authors argue that to use photovoice for needs assessment, participants should be involved in selecting topics, contextualizing the meaning of a photo, and codifying that identifies issues, themes or theories. Group discussion is critical to all these processes, the authors write. They state that the group discussion may allow VOICE--voicing our indicidual and collective experience, because photogrphs alone, considered outside the context of women's own voices and stories, would contradict the essence of photovoice.
Wang and Burris define photovoice as "a process by which people can identify, represent, and enhance their community through a specific photographic technique" (p. 369). They emphasize the advantages of photovoice as a needs assessment tool: (1) it is grounded in participatory appraisal that describes the fundamentals of the community needs; (2) Photovoice employs the visual image, a powerful means to describe such needs; (3) the accessibility of photovoice enables even illiterate people to participate; (4) it facilitates the sampling of different social and behavior setting, which may be beyond the researchers' scope; (5) it can sustain community participation. etc.
However, one of the disadvantages that photovoice method may bring is, the authors point out, that "photographs are easy to gather but difficult to analyze and summarize because they yield an abundance of complex data that can eb difficult to digest" (p. 375). Participatory analysis they propose seem to provide a possible solution to the dilemma. The authors argue that to use photovoice for needs assessment, participants should be involved in selecting topics, contextualizing the meaning of a photo, and codifying that identifies issues, themes or theories. Group discussion is critical to all these processes, the authors write. They state that the group discussion may allow VOICE--voicing our indicidual and collective experience, because photogrphs alone, considered outside the context of women's own voices and stories, would contradict the essence of photovoice.
Sunday, May 17, 2009
Talking about pictures
: a case for photo elicitation, Harper, Douglas. (2002). Visual Studies, 17.1. 13-26
Harper defines photo elicitation, which was first named by photographer and researcher John Collier in 1957, through a history of its development in anthropology and sociology studies. He explains that benefits from using photos or images in general for interviewing are partly due to the particular quality of photos: capturing the impossible, thus evoking our emotion, and compensating verbal communication.
His methods includes taking photos in a particular way to elicit story-telling from his informants(!). Other forms of image elicitation he explains include reflexive cinema, such as in Chronicle of a Summer directed by Rouch, and 'photofeedback', which was coined by Sampson-Cordle in her dissertation (2002). She let her study subjects (teachers, community members and students) photograph their worlds with inexpensive automatic cameras.
He considers photo elicitation "a postmodern dialogue based on the authority of the
subject rather than the researcher". The aspect of shifting authority of photo elicitation, he asserts, addresses some postmodern ethnography.
Sampson-Cordle, Alice Vera. 2001. “Exploring the relationship between a small rural school in
Northeast Georgia and its community: an imagebased study using participant-produced photographs” (dissertation).
Harper defines photo elicitation, which was first named by photographer and researcher John Collier in 1957, through a history of its development in anthropology and sociology studies. He explains that benefits from using photos or images in general for interviewing are partly due to the particular quality of photos: capturing the impossible, thus evoking our emotion, and compensating verbal communication.
His methods includes taking photos in a particular way to elicit story-telling from his informants(!). Other forms of image elicitation he explains include reflexive cinema, such as in Chronicle of a Summer directed by Rouch, and 'photofeedback', which was coined by Sampson-Cordle in her dissertation (2002). She let her study subjects (teachers, community members and students) photograph their worlds with inexpensive automatic cameras.
He considers photo elicitation "a postmodern dialogue based on the authority of the
subject rather than the researcher". The aspect of shifting authority of photo elicitation, he asserts, addresses some postmodern ethnography.
Sampson-Cordle, Alice Vera. 2001. “Exploring the relationship between a small rural school in
Northeast Georgia and its community: an imagebased study using participant-produced photographs” (dissertation).
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