Gentrification before gentrification: the plight of Pilsen in Chicago

Betancur, John. (2005). research white paper. Urban planning and Policy Program, UIC.

Pilsen, which has home to various immigrants, became the first majority Latino community in Chicago by 1970s. According to the US census, in 2000 Pilsen was 88.9% Hispanic with 49.1% of the population foreign-born (chicagareahousing.org, 2004 cite in page 7.). Since 1980s, there have been various plans from both public and private sectors to redevelop Pilsen to transform Pilsen into the Mexican Mecca of the Midwest (p. 8). More recently, as the real estate industry entered, "the area has moved into center stage as a high stakes development gentrification prospect." (p. 8)

"For many, however, this environment is only a new chapter in the struggle against displacing redevelopment. The following chapters try to capture these tensions and the accompanying unfolding conflicts and events." (p. 9)

"The area is caught in the contradiction between developments that provide improvements intended to benefit residents, and redevelopment schemes with serious displacement impacts" (p. 12). Thus, while home owners and business owners may encourage gentrification, residents, especially renters, are particularly vulnerable to displacement.

In Pilsen, there are three types of institutions: (1) opposing (\pilsen Alliance) (2) upwardly mobile individuals seeking immediate benefits (the Hispanic Democratic Organization and United Neighborhood Organization) (3) neutral.

The author ask, "Is there room for a consensus to achieve viable development within communities that do not result in displacement?"

The author points out, "Since gentrification is a gradual process, it is almost impossible to completely reinvent the perception of place without considering the cultural context of existing residents." (p. 20). In order to transform the concept from ghetto (Pilsen was classified as slum and blight by the Chicago government in the 1970s) to some thing special, worthwhile experiencing.

Thue, "Thus, local governments and private investors often redefine place by emphasizing the existing cultural experience and local excitement. Strong ethnic identities and cultural heritages can give place a uniqueness that cannot be met by others. In this context, cultural distinction becomes a marketing tool in the quest to make areas more appealing to outside residents, developers, and businesses." \further "packaging" culture to sell outsiders, including safetyl, comfort, etc.

However, cultural heritage can be a powerful factor as a means of residents taking ownership of
their neighborhood. But the author argued that the cultural pride should be fostered through community-driven process.

The Mexican Fine Arts Museum, built in 1982 as the largest Mexican cultural center and museum in the country (City of Chicago website, 2003), many local residents feel that it was not actually created for the benefit of residents, the author pointed out. "it only serves an elitist crowd"

Fiesta del sol, annual street festival, created by Pilsen Neighbors Community Council, is decribed as a touristic place by the city.

While discontinuing transportation services to local residents, the city create free trolley services for tourists.

Contending the city's packaging culture, the author quotes:

Jeff Edwards, a professor at Roosevelt University, describes the “theme-parking” of Chicago neighborhoods as distasteful and states, “You’re taking superficial symbols from particular cultures, putting them in a cityscape and calling it ‘recognizing cultural diversity.’ It’s a fake multiculturalism. It’s about displacing citizens with shoppers and tourists” (Edwards as cited in Savage, 1999, cited in 27-28).

Betancur argued:

"Tourist initiatives can be damaging to communities, such as Pilsen, where low-income residents are struggling for resources; these resources are instead being funneled to support people who enter the community for a brief period of time, consume and absorb certain aspects of it, and then leave it to its own selfpreservation and the often polluting effects of this tourism. (p. 28)

Betacur noted the process of gentrification through artists, saying, "Observers believe that the presence of an artist community in East Pilsen makes Pilsen extremely palatable to “gentrifiers” (Puente, 1998). Gentrification has entered Pilsen through this area." small-size Redeveopment suits the need of artists who have modest income. he notes the increase household income in East Pilsen. In this light, Betancur wrote, "As in the case of marketing Pilsen’s Mexican heritage, the “artist” element has been used in the same rhetoric for several new developments throughout the area." (p. 33)

He argued, "Each of them has the ability to market various representations of culture to spark outsider intrigue." (p.34) and wrote, "for a long time Pilsen has been subjected to steady
pressures of upward development coming mostly from the “outside. ... Several other initiatives mentioned earlier also constitute attempts to develop Pilsen without any local input. Importantly, however, these initiatives have met (p. 35) with unprecedented deliberate community action to thwart development and maintain the community’s ethnic heritage and self-determination." (p. 36), although there were some community-based resistance to fail some of the city plans, inspiring to organize community activists

He pointed out community murals as a form of resistance. But ironically, it becomes touristic attractions.

Most Pilsen organizations favor “Development without Displacement". The concept advanced in a Voorhees study for the Chicago Rehab Network (Betancur et al. 1995) offers policy solutions to thwart displacement in Chicago’s gentrifying areas. It suggests that there is a need for a strong community voice to bring the issue of displacement to the forefront of development policy. (p. 45)

Betancur sharply pointed out the discourse surrounding development:

"Agents and supporters of gentrification came up with their own version that appropriated the discourse of ethnicity and reorganized it around neo-liberal ideas of entrepreneurship and commodification of culture and ethnicity. This is a clear case of identity as a source of community and resistance vying against identity as a marketable commodity and penetration tool.' (p. 66)


He concludes, "Gentrification has advanced subtly in this side of Pilsen: eastern census tracts are undergoing a change with a decreasing Latino and foreign-born presence and decreasing household densities, increasing incomes, home ownership rates, home values and rents, and new residential construction" (p. 67)