Based on Rosenthal and Rosnow (1975):
Cates, W. (1985). A practical guide to educational research. Prentice-Hall, inc. (55-64)
Something to consider when doing volunteer sampling:
1. better educated than nonvolunteers
2. higher social class
3. more intelligent
4. more unconventional
5. females than male
6. less authoritarian
7. more interested in the topic under investigation than nonvolunteers
Thursday, September 22, 2011
Wednesday, September 7, 2011
Successful protect-community discourse
:spatiality and politics in Chicago's Pilsen neighborhood.
David Wilson, Jared Wouters, & Dennis Grammenos. (2004). Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190. DOI:10.1068/a36121
The authors note Pilsen as one nationally notable case where gentrification continues to be successfully resisted by residents. They pointed out positive resident identities, and clear enemies of the current neighborhood as the main reasons.
Also, they pointed out the discourse that PPC (Protect Pilsen Coalition) promoted as one of the causes: promoting the current idealized Pilsen, a unique sense of community, and arguing for protecting the timeless and ideal ethnic space from outsiders, to the contrary to the comment by developers, describing Pilsen as a crime-riddern slum.
[DOES THIS DISCOURSE by PPC hide crime? Or crime was overrated?]
Meanwhile, local governments see Pilsen as a potential for making the city a diverse ethnic city.
"preserving this ethnicity is the key. It is our job to identify [this], capture [this], and sell [this]''
(discussion with the Office of Tourism representative Patricia Sullivan, 8 July 2002, cited on page 1186).
David Wilson, Jared Wouters, & Dennis Grammenos. (2004). Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190. DOI:10.1068/a36121
The authors note Pilsen as one nationally notable case where gentrification continues to be successfully resisted by residents. They pointed out positive resident identities, and clear enemies of the current neighborhood as the main reasons.
Also, they pointed out the discourse that PPC (Protect Pilsen Coalition) promoted as one of the causes: promoting the current idealized Pilsen, a unique sense of community, and arguing for protecting the timeless and ideal ethnic space from outsiders, to the contrary to the comment by developers, describing Pilsen as a crime-riddern slum.
[DOES THIS DISCOURSE by PPC hide crime? Or crime was overrated?]
Meanwhile, local governments see Pilsen as a potential for making the city a diverse ethnic city.
"preserving this ethnicity is the key. It is our job to identify [this], capture [this], and sell [this]''
(discussion with the Office of Tourism representative Patricia Sullivan, 8 July 2002, cited on page 1186).
THE PILSEN BUILDING INVENTORY PROJECT
Winifred Curran and Euan Hague
DePaul University, Department of Geography
Introduction to the project
An extensive and systematic community mapping project was undertaken to produce a database of current building conditions and publicly available information on building permits, property taxes, assessed values, property sales, and ownership. This report provides the results of that project, with data collected by DePaul students over two years, from Fall 2004 to Spring 2006. 5002 lots are in the database.
Gentrification
The authors noted that " Its proximity to the Loop, old buildings and historic designation, and
relatively low rents have resulted in Pilsen becoming ripe for gentrification at the start of the 21st century." (p. 4)
Urban planner Peter Marcuse (1999: 790-1) defines gentrification as, “the movement into a previously working-class area by upperincome households, generally professionals, managers, technicians, the new gentry, resulting in the displacement of the former lower-income residents.” (p. 4)
On the eastern side of Pilsen, around one hundred buildings are owned by the Podmajersky family who have been attempting to transform the area into an artists district since the 1950s (Isaacs, 2003). These plans have met with repeated opposition from local residents whose articulation of an anti-gentrification position Wilson et al. (2004: 1173) identify as a “protect-community discourse.” (p. 5)
*
Marcuse, Peter. 1999. Comment of Elvin K. Wyly and Daniel J. Hammel’s “Islands of decay in seas of renewal: Housing policy and the resurgence of gentrification” Housing Policy Debate 10 (4): 789-797.
Isaacs, Deanna. 2003. East Pilsen’s makeover. Chicago Reader, 12 December.
Wilson, David; Wouters, Jared and Grammenos, Dennis. 2004. Successful ‘protect-community’ discourse: spatiality and politics in Chicago’s Pilsen neighborhood. Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190.
DePaul University, Department of Geography
Introduction to the project
An extensive and systematic community mapping project was undertaken to produce a database of current building conditions and publicly available information on building permits, property taxes, assessed values, property sales, and ownership. This report provides the results of that project, with data collected by DePaul students over two years, from Fall 2004 to Spring 2006. 5002 lots are in the database.
Gentrification
The authors noted that " Its proximity to the Loop, old buildings and historic designation, and
relatively low rents have resulted in Pilsen becoming ripe for gentrification at the start of the 21st century." (p. 4)
Urban planner Peter Marcuse (1999: 790-1) defines gentrification as, “the movement into a previously working-class area by upperincome households, generally professionals, managers, technicians, the new gentry, resulting in the displacement of the former lower-income residents.” (p. 4)
On the eastern side of Pilsen, around one hundred buildings are owned by the Podmajersky family who have been attempting to transform the area into an artists district since the 1950s (Isaacs, 2003). These plans have met with repeated opposition from local residents whose articulation of an anti-gentrification position Wilson et al. (2004: 1173) identify as a “protect-community discourse.” (p. 5)
*
Marcuse, Peter. 1999. Comment of Elvin K. Wyly and Daniel J. Hammel’s “Islands of decay in seas of renewal: Housing policy and the resurgence of gentrification” Housing Policy Debate 10 (4): 789-797.
Isaacs, Deanna. 2003. East Pilsen’s makeover. Chicago Reader, 12 December.
Wilson, David; Wouters, Jared and Grammenos, Dennis. 2004. Successful ‘protect-community’ discourse: spatiality and politics in Chicago’s Pilsen neighborhood. Environment and Planning A, 36, 1173-1190.
THE DIFFERENTIAL IMPACT OF GENTRIFICATION ON COMMUNITIES IN CHICAGO
Philip Nyden, Emily Edlynn, and Julie Davis. (2006). Center for Urban Research and Learning.
Loyola University Chicago, For the City of Chicago Commission on Human Relations
Today’s Pilsen is synonymous with Mexican and Mexican-American culture,
Describing the resistance of Pilsen residents against gentrification attempts
"while Latino community leaders in some heavily-immigrant communities may not be feeling “left behind,” they fear that they will be “pushed out” as gentrification and displacement threatens their own residential stability . Some leaders in Pilsen are fighting the development being subsidized by TIF funds because it is “not necessarily geared toward” the Mexican and Mexican American residents currently living in Pilsen and Little Village. Residents there have protested development plans, which include condos and other luxury housing in the community that have the potential to increase housing costs and property taxes. Expansion of the University of Illinois Chicago campus into the northern edge of this Latino community has met with similar protests." (p. 29)
This paper points out some of the most vulnerable populations: women with children, the disabled, the homeless, the elderly,
"Many of our respondents identified women as a population that is most negatively affected by the cycle of gentrification and displacement, particularly single women with children... Because women and single-parents do not necessarily visibly cluster into particular neighborhoods, their needs are not always front and center." (p. 35)
They pointed out that the homeless population has been even more dramatically affected. Further, social service agencies themselves become the target of complaint from new comers:
"Churches and social service agencies that had been providing housing and social services to the homeless for years find themselves the targets of newcomers to the community who equate low-income with “criminal” and “undesirable.” One focus group participant claimed these “gentrifiers” are targeting social services to force the displacement of the poor and that she has
received petitions they have signed with pleas to the City to “stop funding social services in Uptown, there’s too many poor people here.”" (p. 36)
This paper again recommends that the city or developers should better communicate with residents, adopt adult community service curriculum to facilitate more inter-racial, interethnic,
and inter-group understanding and interaction; creating new or imporiving existing mechanisms for community voice.
Loyola University Chicago, For the City of Chicago Commission on Human Relations
Today’s Pilsen is synonymous with Mexican and Mexican-American culture,
Describing the resistance of Pilsen residents against gentrification attempts
"while Latino community leaders in some heavily-immigrant communities may not be feeling “left behind,” they fear that they will be “pushed out” as gentrification and displacement threatens their own residential stability . Some leaders in Pilsen are fighting the development being subsidized by TIF funds because it is “not necessarily geared toward” the Mexican and Mexican American residents currently living in Pilsen and Little Village. Residents there have protested development plans, which include condos and other luxury housing in the community that have the potential to increase housing costs and property taxes. Expansion of the University of Illinois Chicago campus into the northern edge of this Latino community has met with similar protests." (p. 29)
This paper points out some of the most vulnerable populations: women with children, the disabled, the homeless, the elderly,
"Many of our respondents identified women as a population that is most negatively affected by the cycle of gentrification and displacement, particularly single women with children... Because women and single-parents do not necessarily visibly cluster into particular neighborhoods, their needs are not always front and center." (p. 35)
They pointed out that the homeless population has been even more dramatically affected. Further, social service agencies themselves become the target of complaint from new comers:
"Churches and social service agencies that had been providing housing and social services to the homeless for years find themselves the targets of newcomers to the community who equate low-income with “criminal” and “undesirable.” One focus group participant claimed these “gentrifiers” are targeting social services to force the displacement of the poor and that she has
received petitions they have signed with pleas to the City to “stop funding social services in Uptown, there’s too many poor people here.”" (p. 36)
This paper again recommends that the city or developers should better communicate with residents, adopt adult community service curriculum to facilitate more inter-racial, interethnic,
and inter-group understanding and interaction; creating new or imporiving existing mechanisms for community voice.
IN THE FACE OF GENTRIFICATION:
Case Studies of Local Efforts to Mitigate Displacement.
Diane K. Levy, Jennifer Comey, Sandra Padilla (2006). [White paper]. Washington, DC:
Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center, the Urban Institute.
This paper defined getrification as “the process whereby higher-income households move into low-income neighborhoods, escalating the area’s property values to the point that displacement occurs." (p. 1). It points out revitalization as the first stage of one of the earliest sign of gentrification, writing:
Neighborhoods showing signs of revitalization with the possibility of future gentrification—evidence of housing improvements and increased housing prices in an area proximate to other gentrifying neighborhoods—are characterized as the early stage. (p. 2)
The gentrification of Uptown
A highlighted program is "Chicago Partnership for Affordable Neighborhoods (CPAN), which was implemented citywide in 2001. CPAN is a voluntary program where developers and aldermen from each ward determine the number of affordable units, if any, developers will set aside in their market-rate developments. ...
While CPAN is a citywide program, it is at the discretion of each alderman whether developers must participate.
...
Another problem inherent in a voluntary program is whether developers will choose to participate or take their business elsewhere. Aldermen have leverage only if the developer needs zoning approval. (p. 71)
With this respect, the authors noted that "some developers believe that only elected official’s support is necessary to approve housing development" (p. 72), emphasizing that residents can organize around issues. (But how? Did the gentrification occur because of lack of residents resistance or grassroots organization?)
Diane K. Levy, Jennifer Comey, Sandra Padilla (2006). [White paper]. Washington, DC:
Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center, the Urban Institute.
This paper defined getrification as “the process whereby higher-income households move into low-income neighborhoods, escalating the area’s property values to the point that displacement occurs." (p. 1). It points out revitalization as the first stage of one of the earliest sign of gentrification, writing:
Neighborhoods showing signs of revitalization with the possibility of future gentrification—evidence of housing improvements and increased housing prices in an area proximate to other gentrifying neighborhoods—are characterized as the early stage. (p. 2)
The gentrification of Uptown
A highlighted program is "Chicago Partnership for Affordable Neighborhoods (CPAN), which was implemented citywide in 2001. CPAN is a voluntary program where developers and aldermen from each ward determine the number of affordable units, if any, developers will set aside in their market-rate developments. ...
While CPAN is a citywide program, it is at the discretion of each alderman whether developers must participate.
...
Another problem inherent in a voluntary program is whether developers will choose to participate or take their business elsewhere. Aldermen have leverage only if the developer needs zoning approval. (p. 71)
With this respect, the authors noted that "some developers believe that only elected official’s support is necessary to approve housing development" (p. 72), emphasizing that residents can organize around issues. (But how? Did the gentrification occur because of lack of residents resistance or grassroots organization?)
Tuesday, September 6, 2011
Gentrification before gentrification: the plight of Pilsen in Chicago
Betancur, John. (2005). research white paper. Urban planning and Policy Program, UIC.
Pilsen, which has home to various immigrants, became the first majority Latino community in Chicago by 1970s. According to the US census, in 2000 Pilsen was 88.9% Hispanic with 49.1% of the population foreign-born (chicagareahousing.org, 2004 cite in page 7.). Since 1980s, there have been various plans from both public and private sectors to redevelop Pilsen to transform Pilsen into the Mexican Mecca of the Midwest (p. 8). More recently, as the real estate industry entered, "the area has moved into center stage as a high stakes development gentrification prospect." (p. 8)
"For many, however, this environment is only a new chapter in the struggle against displacing redevelopment. The following chapters try to capture these tensions and the accompanying unfolding conflicts and events." (p. 9)
"The area is caught in the contradiction between developments that provide improvements intended to benefit residents, and redevelopment schemes with serious displacement impacts" (p. 12). Thus, while home owners and business owners may encourage gentrification, residents, especially renters, are particularly vulnerable to displacement.
In Pilsen, there are three types of institutions: (1) opposing (\pilsen Alliance) (2) upwardly mobile individuals seeking immediate benefits (the Hispanic Democratic Organization and United Neighborhood Organization) (3) neutral.
The author ask, "Is there room for a consensus to achieve viable development within communities that do not result in displacement?"
The author points out, "Since gentrification is a gradual process, it is almost impossible to completely reinvent the perception of place without considering the cultural context of existing residents." (p. 20). In order to transform the concept from ghetto (Pilsen was classified as slum and blight by the Chicago government in the 1970s) to some thing special, worthwhile experiencing.
Thue, "Thus, local governments and private investors often redefine place by emphasizing the existing cultural experience and local excitement. Strong ethnic identities and cultural heritages can give place a uniqueness that cannot be met by others. In this context, cultural distinction becomes a marketing tool in the quest to make areas more appealing to outside residents, developers, and businesses." \further "packaging" culture to sell outsiders, including safetyl, comfort, etc.
However, cultural heritage can be a powerful factor as a means of residents taking ownership of
their neighborhood. But the author argued that the cultural pride should be fostered through community-driven process.
The Mexican Fine Arts Museum, built in 1982 as the largest Mexican cultural center and museum in the country (City of Chicago website, 2003), many local residents feel that it was not actually created for the benefit of residents, the author pointed out. "it only serves an elitist crowd"
Fiesta del sol, annual street festival, created by Pilsen Neighbors Community Council, is decribed as a touristic place by the city.
While discontinuing transportation services to local residents, the city create free trolley services for tourists.
Contending the city's packaging culture, the author quotes:
Jeff Edwards, a professor at Roosevelt University, describes the “theme-parking” of Chicago neighborhoods as distasteful and states, “You’re taking superficial symbols from particular cultures, putting them in a cityscape and calling it ‘recognizing cultural diversity.’ It’s a fake multiculturalism. It’s about displacing citizens with shoppers and tourists” (Edwards as cited in Savage, 1999, cited in 27-28).
Betancur argued:
"Tourist initiatives can be damaging to communities, such as Pilsen, where low-income residents are struggling for resources; these resources are instead being funneled to support people who enter the community for a brief period of time, consume and absorb certain aspects of it, and then leave it to its own selfpreservation and the often polluting effects of this tourism. (p. 28)
Betacur noted the process of gentrification through artists, saying, "Observers believe that the presence of an artist community in East Pilsen makes Pilsen extremely palatable to “gentrifiers” (Puente, 1998). Gentrification has entered Pilsen through this area." small-size Redeveopment suits the need of artists who have modest income. he notes the increase household income in East Pilsen. In this light, Betancur wrote, "As in the case of marketing Pilsen’s Mexican heritage, the “artist” element has been used in the same rhetoric for several new developments throughout the area." (p. 33)
He argued, "Each of them has the ability to market various representations of culture to spark outsider intrigue." (p.34) and wrote, "for a long time Pilsen has been subjected to steady
pressures of upward development coming mostly from the “outside. ... Several other initiatives mentioned earlier also constitute attempts to develop Pilsen without any local input. Importantly, however, these initiatives have met (p. 35) with unprecedented deliberate community action to thwart development and maintain the community’s ethnic heritage and self-determination." (p. 36), although there were some community-based resistance to fail some of the city plans, inspiring to organize community activists
He pointed out community murals as a form of resistance. But ironically, it becomes touristic attractions.
Most Pilsen organizations favor “Development without Displacement". The concept advanced in a Voorhees study for the Chicago Rehab Network (Betancur et al. 1995) offers policy solutions to thwart displacement in Chicago’s gentrifying areas. It suggests that there is a need for a strong community voice to bring the issue of displacement to the forefront of development policy. (p. 45)
Betancur sharply pointed out the discourse surrounding development:
"Agents and supporters of gentrification came up with their own version that appropriated the discourse of ethnicity and reorganized it around neo-liberal ideas of entrepreneurship and commodification of culture and ethnicity. This is a clear case of identity as a source of community and resistance vying against identity as a marketable commodity and penetration tool.' (p. 66)
He concludes, "Gentrification has advanced subtly in this side of Pilsen: eastern census tracts are undergoing a change with a decreasing Latino and foreign-born presence and decreasing household densities, increasing incomes, home ownership rates, home values and rents, and new residential construction" (p. 67)
Pilsen, which has home to various immigrants, became the first majority Latino community in Chicago by 1970s. According to the US census, in 2000 Pilsen was 88.9% Hispanic with 49.1% of the population foreign-born (chicagareahousing.org, 2004 cite in page 7.). Since 1980s, there have been various plans from both public and private sectors to redevelop Pilsen to transform Pilsen into the Mexican Mecca of the Midwest (p. 8). More recently, as the real estate industry entered, "the area has moved into center stage as a high stakes development gentrification prospect." (p. 8)
"For many, however, this environment is only a new chapter in the struggle against displacing redevelopment. The following chapters try to capture these tensions and the accompanying unfolding conflicts and events." (p. 9)
"The area is caught in the contradiction between developments that provide improvements intended to benefit residents, and redevelopment schemes with serious displacement impacts" (p. 12). Thus, while home owners and business owners may encourage gentrification, residents, especially renters, are particularly vulnerable to displacement.
In Pilsen, there are three types of institutions: (1) opposing (\pilsen Alliance) (2) upwardly mobile individuals seeking immediate benefits (the Hispanic Democratic Organization and United Neighborhood Organization) (3) neutral.
The author ask, "Is there room for a consensus to achieve viable development within communities that do not result in displacement?"
The author points out, "Since gentrification is a gradual process, it is almost impossible to completely reinvent the perception of place without considering the cultural context of existing residents." (p. 20). In order to transform the concept from ghetto (Pilsen was classified as slum and blight by the Chicago government in the 1970s) to some thing special, worthwhile experiencing.
Thue, "Thus, local governments and private investors often redefine place by emphasizing the existing cultural experience and local excitement. Strong ethnic identities and cultural heritages can give place a uniqueness that cannot be met by others. In this context, cultural distinction becomes a marketing tool in the quest to make areas more appealing to outside residents, developers, and businesses." \further "packaging" culture to sell outsiders, including safetyl, comfort, etc.
However, cultural heritage can be a powerful factor as a means of residents taking ownership of
their neighborhood. But the author argued that the cultural pride should be fostered through community-driven process.
The Mexican Fine Arts Museum, built in 1982 as the largest Mexican cultural center and museum in the country (City of Chicago website, 2003), many local residents feel that it was not actually created for the benefit of residents, the author pointed out. "it only serves an elitist crowd"
Fiesta del sol, annual street festival, created by Pilsen Neighbors Community Council, is decribed as a touristic place by the city.
While discontinuing transportation services to local residents, the city create free trolley services for tourists.
Contending the city's packaging culture, the author quotes:
Jeff Edwards, a professor at Roosevelt University, describes the “theme-parking” of Chicago neighborhoods as distasteful and states, “You’re taking superficial symbols from particular cultures, putting them in a cityscape and calling it ‘recognizing cultural diversity.’ It’s a fake multiculturalism. It’s about displacing citizens with shoppers and tourists” (Edwards as cited in Savage, 1999, cited in 27-28).
Betancur argued:
"Tourist initiatives can be damaging to communities, such as Pilsen, where low-income residents are struggling for resources; these resources are instead being funneled to support people who enter the community for a brief period of time, consume and absorb certain aspects of it, and then leave it to its own selfpreservation and the often polluting effects of this tourism. (p. 28)
Betacur noted the process of gentrification through artists, saying, "Observers believe that the presence of an artist community in East Pilsen makes Pilsen extremely palatable to “gentrifiers” (Puente, 1998). Gentrification has entered Pilsen through this area." small-size Redeveopment suits the need of artists who have modest income. he notes the increase household income in East Pilsen. In this light, Betancur wrote, "As in the case of marketing Pilsen’s Mexican heritage, the “artist” element has been used in the same rhetoric for several new developments throughout the area." (p. 33)
He argued, "Each of them has the ability to market various representations of culture to spark outsider intrigue." (p.34) and wrote, "for a long time Pilsen has been subjected to steady
pressures of upward development coming mostly from the “outside. ... Several other initiatives mentioned earlier also constitute attempts to develop Pilsen without any local input. Importantly, however, these initiatives have met (p. 35) with unprecedented deliberate community action to thwart development and maintain the community’s ethnic heritage and self-determination." (p. 36), although there were some community-based resistance to fail some of the city plans, inspiring to organize community activists
He pointed out community murals as a form of resistance. But ironically, it becomes touristic attractions.
Most Pilsen organizations favor “Development without Displacement". The concept advanced in a Voorhees study for the Chicago Rehab Network (Betancur et al. 1995) offers policy solutions to thwart displacement in Chicago’s gentrifying areas. It suggests that there is a need for a strong community voice to bring the issue of displacement to the forefront of development policy. (p. 45)
Betancur sharply pointed out the discourse surrounding development:
"Agents and supporters of gentrification came up with their own version that appropriated the discourse of ethnicity and reorganized it around neo-liberal ideas of entrepreneurship and commodification of culture and ethnicity. This is a clear case of identity as a source of community and resistance vying against identity as a marketable commodity and penetration tool.' (p. 66)
He concludes, "Gentrification has advanced subtly in this side of Pilsen: eastern census tracts are undergoing a change with a decreasing Latino and foreign-born presence and decreasing household densities, increasing incomes, home ownership rates, home values and rents, and new residential construction" (p. 67)
Gentrification-Caused Displacement
LeGates, Richard, T. & Hartman, Chester. (1982). The Urban Lawyer, 14, 31-55.
1. This study indicates a great deal of gentrification-caused displacement.
2.Displacement imposes hardships especially on lower income households and elderly.
notes, "rent always increases, modestly for some households, but substantially for others." (p. 54)
They note that the outmovers are indeed diverse in terms of race, age, family structure, occupation, income, much wider range than inmovers. The first generation of gentrification affect lower class white, but recent gentrification-caused displacement document substantical rancial, class and lifestyle conflicts in gentrifying neighborhoods, indicating an increasing number of other minorities affected by gentrification. They also note increasing violence in gentrifying neighborhoods.
Outmovers tend to cluster close to their prior residences, with almost always experiencing rent increase.
1. This study indicates a great deal of gentrification-caused displacement.
2.Displacement imposes hardships especially on lower income households and elderly.
notes, "rent always increases, modestly for some households, but substantially for others." (p. 54)
They note that the outmovers are indeed diverse in terms of race, age, family structure, occupation, income, much wider range than inmovers. The first generation of gentrification affect lower class white, but recent gentrification-caused displacement document substantical rancial, class and lifestyle conflicts in gentrifying neighborhoods, indicating an increasing number of other minorities affected by gentrification. They also note increasing violence in gentrifying neighborhoods.
Outmovers tend to cluster close to their prior residences, with almost always experiencing rent increase.
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